We all know who Donald Trump's talking to.
When Donald Trump says make America great again, we know whose America that is.
In a sense, whites who were always sort of the unthinking majority who didn't think of themselves necessarily as one among many interest groups but is simply the dominant group, now as whites become - are close to becoming a minority of Americans, are becoming a political interest group. And that's what Donald Trump is playing to. And it's a really dangerous, volatile game.
The way Donald Trump talks about the problems of black Americans as a kind of separate group who are not part of his audience but he's kind of reaching over his audience or behind his audience to black Americans, saying what have you got to lose? As in you might as well join me because the Democrats haven't done anything for you. But joining me means joining this group that already supports me.
When Donald Trump in one speech said I love the poorly educated - which was a remarkable thing to say - he was saying those are my people.
When Donald Trump yells at his supporters to throw somebody out of the hall - and usually that somebody is brown or black or often is - that means he's galvanizing a kind of mob spirit, which is also a racial mob spirit.
We all have a dark side but we keep it in its place because it's destructive. And Donald Trump has said, no, no, bring it out because that's the energy we need in order to reverse all these horrible things that have been happening in America.
I do think Donald Trump would be a catastrophic turn in American history.
I think [Donald Trump] s got the votes for [tax reform]. I think he's definitely has the Republican votes for it, in House and Senate, and I think he probably has maybe 20 percent of the Democratic vote for it. So he could get it done with a bipartisan majority.
The wall is going to to take a while. Obviously [Donald Trump] is going to build it.It's a campaign promise; he's not going to break a campaign promise.
[Donald Trump] can do it [build the wall] by executive order by just re-programming money within the within the Immigration Service.
Another big promise Donald Trump made during the campaign - cutting taxes. But there's some confusion over how much he wants to cut.
Back in March, before Donald Trump secured the Republican nomination for president, a group of national security heavyweights signed an open letter that called Trump fundamentally dishonest and utterly unfit for the presidency. Now, two days after Trump's victory, some in the national security establishment are wondering whether to return to the fold.
After that transition to the White House, Donald Trump will settle in for his first day of work, January 21, 2017. He's already proposed the actions he wants to take within his first 100 days in office, but which campaign promises can he realistically tackle in that time?
[Donald Trump] has specified - he has specified a contract with his voters that range - that has a lot of things on it. It ranges everything from repealing Obamacare to backing out of trade deals to undoing all the executive actions.
When it comes to economics, president-elect [Donald] Trump has promised to revive American manufacturing, get tough on trade with China, cut taxes and invest in infrastructure.
I think, as a historian, what strikes one the most about this [Donald'd Trump] program is just simply its nationalism, with his commitment to the redevelopment of American manufacturing and industrial jobs, providing jobs for the constituency that was so important in electing him.
That is certainly the promise of [Donald Trump] campaign and the promise of his economic program.This economic program is really the pickup truck of economic programs. It's the Ford F-150 of economic programs. It's about manufacturing. It's about oil, fossil fuels. It's a deliberate, forceful reassertion of an image of American industrialism that we have inherited from the 20th century.
In some senses, I think it's almost deliberately anachronistic. There's a retro feel to the [Donald] Trump program.
What will be interesting to see is whether or not we see from the [Donald Trump] administration initiatives on higher education for this work force, because if those kinds of training opportunities are not provided, then I do think this program begins to look like a defensive holding action, a rear-guard action, buying time for workers who might not otherwise find positions in the 21st century.
I think one can see the [Donald] Trump program as if it were that element of the bailout of 2009 writ very large, and now extended out towards both fossil fuels, and, on the other hand, the infrastructure program, which is such a key element of the spending side of the Trump program.
You have to be careful, because, in the [Donald] Trump stimulus package, there were two elements. One is the infrastructure investment program, which at this moment doesn't have the financing spelled out in any effective form.
The sorts of sectors which feature so largely in the [Donald] Trump program, and its rhetoric, account now for perhaps only about 15 percent of the American work force.
What I think the appeal of the [Donald] Trump program has been is that it offers some kind of concrete, specific, historically rooted, a familiar image of how ordinary Americans, regular Americans can earn their living.
More than half the U.S. population and more than half of the voters in this election were women. Among them, 42 percent voted for Donald Trump, 54 percent went for Hillary Clinton, essentially the reverse of how men voted.
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