I will work with Congress to introduce a series of legislative reforms and will fight for their passage in the first 100 days of my administration. And this legislation quickly includes Middle Class Tax Relief and Simplification Act.
The middle class in America has been devastated.
There's the National Organization for Women feminist faction, there's the NAACP liberal African-American faction, there's the La Raza Hispanic faction. They're pitted against each other and it runs so contrary to the E pluribus unum American middle class experience.
When President-elect [Donald] Trump wants to take on these issue, when his goal is to increase the economic security of middle class families, then count me in.
I intend to work with President [Donald] Trump on those issues where he will, in fact, work for the middle class and working families in this country. I will vigorously oppose him if he appeals to racism or sexism.
Our message of strengthening the middle class, working people, we just didn't penetrate well enough and we didn't have the kind of turn out that we really needed or expected.
Worked hard on [our message of strengthening the middle class, working people], but it didn't come through in places like Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania.It really should have, because people are struggling. And the Democratic message and the Democratic platform would help them, but somehow it didn't come up the way it should have. But it will.
The conversation should've been about middle class people. The conversation should've been about how to raise the minimum wage and strengthen Social Security. But then we started talking about this whole email stuff again. And now the outcome is that, you know, Donald Trump has somebody who he's looking at to put on his Cabinet who's a lobbyist to privatize Social Security.
The Democrats have been there for working people in our country. That's who we are, trickle-down vs. middle-class economics. That's the major difference between the parties.
The biggest issue for me is whether large numbers of Americans can begin to think that government can actually help make the country a fairer place. And that's partly a matter of policies that achieve results in terms of reducing inequality and raising middle-class and working-class incomes, which have been flat for decades. But it's also symbolic and rhetorical, it's whether Hillary Clinton can - or whoever's president - can persuade Americans that it's happening and that they can begin to trust their elected officials a little bit more and their institutions of government a little bit more.
Wouldn't it be useful to explain the factors that actually allowed this to happen [Donald's Trump Presidency]. Like, for example, their frustration of the absolute shrinking of the middle class, the heroin epidemic, things like that. I don't see any of that.
I think Donald Trump understood that there are many millions of people in America, the working middle class, who are really hurting. They are in pain.
I think there are many people in the working class who say, you know what? Yes, maybe we are better off than we were eight years ago, but I am still working two or three jobs, my kid can't afford to go to college, I can't afford child care, my real wages have been going down for 40 years. The middle class is shrinking. Who's standing up for me?
Donald Trump tapped into the anger of a declining middle class that is sick and tired of establishment economics, establishment politics and the establishment media.
I want to make college tuition-free for the middle class and debt-free for everyone else.
I think Hillary [Clinton] has [woken up to the plight of the middle class] and is working toward it in a democratic process.
We understand that most of the middle class doesn't know what to do, doesn't feel like they have economic progress, and [Hillary Clinton] goes, "OK, I realize that's my top agenda item. That's the thing I need to do."
I've made films about the middle classes because I know them best. Everyone talks about what he knows best.
Hillary Clinton has supported virtually every trade agreement that has been destroying our middle class. She supported NAFTA and she supported China's entrance into the World Trade Organization, another one of her husband's colossal mistakes and disasters. She supported the job-killing trade deal with South Korea. She supported the Trans-Pacific Partnership which will not only destroy our manufacturing, but it will make America subject to the rulings of foreign governments. And it's not going to happen.
Black men in ghetto communities (and many who live in middle class communities) are targeted by the police at early ages, often before they're old enough to vote. They're routinely stopped, frisked, and searched without reasonable suspicion or probable cause.
Middle-class white children, children of privilege, are afforded the opportunity to make a lot of mistakes and still go on to college, still dream big dreams. But for kids who are born in the ghetto in the era of mass incarceration, the system is designed in such a way that it traps them, often for life.
In the 1990s - the period of the greatest escalation of the drug war - nearly 80 percent of the increase in drug arrests was for marijuana possession, a drug less harmful than alcohol or tobacco and at least, if not more, prevalent in middle class white neighborhoods and college campuses as it is in the 'hood.
Most people with good jobs, middle-class occupations, what have you, are only one pitfall away from social embarrassment and destitution. It's so precarious. Even salaried people in the West now feel this sense of being trapped, not having the freedom to strike out.
In order to prepare for meaningful change, we have to look at both sides of the problem. We need to examine the output of our political system, which is often very hostile to the poor abroad and hostile also to the poor and middle class domestically. And we must also look at the procedures through which this output is produced.
A country's middle class is its bedrock.
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